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Wednesday, February 04, 2004

Massachussets Supreme Court: Gay-Marriage Ban Unconstitutional

The Massachussets Supreme Court has ruled that civil unions are not adequate substitutes for marriage and has ordered the Commonwealth to recognize marriage for same-sex couples:

The Massachusetts high court ruled Wednesday that only full, equal marriage rights for gay couples -- rather than civil unions -- would be constitutional, erasing any doubts that the nation's first same-sex marriages could take place in the state beginning in mid-May. The court issued the opinion in response to a request from the state Senate about whether Vermont-style civil unions, which convey the state benefits of marriage -- but not the title -- would meet constitutional muster. ...

The much-anticipated opinion sets the stage for next Wednesday's constitutional convention, where the Legislature will consider an amendment that would legally define marriage as a union between one man and one woman. Without the opinion, Senate President Robert Travaglini had said the vote would be delayed. The soonest a constitutional amendment could end up on the ballot would be 2006, meaning that until then, the high court's decision will be Massachusetts law no matter what is decided at the constitutional convention.

Bear in mind that the Massachussets Supreme Court ruling pertains to its state constitution, not the US Constitution, and that the ruling has no immediate or direct impact on other states. Congress has already passed legislation exempting marriage from the requirement of other states to recognize the laws of other states, so a same-sex couple who gets married in Massachussets won't automatically have that marriage recognized anywhere else. Legislators in Massachussets intend on amending the state constitution to reverse the decision, and this may cause a huge headache. A constitutional ban on gay marriage could not be applied ex post facto, meaning that anyone who gets married under the Court's ruling for the next two years would remain married regardless.

While I am more libertarian than my friends and colleagues and don't have an issue with gay marriage, I have a huge issue with it being implemented on a constitutional basis. Unless the Massachussets constitution actually says that the state shall not discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation -- it might, I don't know -- then this ruling goes from interpretation to legislation, and star-chamber legislation is the worst form of governing that Americans experience. Granting rights through judicial activism is the legal equivalent of a sledgehammer -- it hits the target and a lot of surrounding territory and it proves almost impossible to undo.

Take, for instance, the recent SCOTUS ruling declaring sodomy laws unconstitutional. Most people certainly agreed that these laws were foolish and unenforceable, but by declaring that two consenting adults had a constitutional right to do anything they wanted not only opens the door for sodomy, but also adult incest and any number of activities destructive to the social fabric of society. Had the matter been pursued through legislation, the offending laws could have been removed without granting previously unheard-of "rights" for anything else that occurs between consenting adults. Strictly speaking, you can make the same argument for granting constitutional protection for prostitution; it is a business transaction that, when made without the threat of arrest, remains between consenting adults. Previous to that ruling, such an argument could be made only in support of legislative action, but now it could very reasonably support a federal appeal of prostitution or pandering charges. I suspect it will be soon.

What Massachussets is saying is that rights are without boundaries and exempt from all restriction and definition, but that simply isn't so. The right to free speech is bound by restrictions on libel and slander and inciting riots. The right to peaceably assemble is similarly limited. The right to vote depends on citizenship, legal status, age, and residency. To say that a marriage is a right which is not bounded by restrictions is to open the door to all sorts of "redefinitions" of marriage between consenting adults, including polygamy and polyamory.

As I said earlier, I'm not unhappy with the immediate result of legalizing gay marriage, but I am upset that another court has usurped the legislative process yet again to promulgate law by fiat. Representative democracies work by allowing the people to create and impose the laws under which they are governed so that even if you personally disagree with the result, you (a) had an opportunity to be heard, either directly or through your representative, (b) limit the scope of the policy to its intended result, and (c) retain the ability to revisit the issue at a later date if the policy turns out to be misguided. Court decrees granting broad "rights" eliminate all three of these natural safeguards, distancing the process of legislation from the people it affects and increasing the sense of powerlessness of the electorate. This sense of powerlessness results in sharply polarized politics, such as we see now on abortion, and it places too much political meaning in the judicial process, resulting in the acrimony and stalemate on judicial confirmations at all levels.

Massachussets resident may indeed desire to recognize gay marriages. Unfortunately, the only choice left to them now is to allow their court to set an extreme precedent or to block any redefinition entirely by constitutional amendment. Total victory or abject loss have become the only two options in American politics anymore, thanks to judicial activism, and until we insist on curtailing this activism we will continue the disenfranchisement of the American electorate in favor of government by robed diktat.

UPDATE: The decision, via Instapundit.

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12:46 PM in Current Affairs | Permalink

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» Official Response from King of Fools
The President's response to the Massachusetts' Court Ruling: Today's ruling of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court is deeply troubling. Marriage is a sacred institution between a man and a woman. If activist judges insist on re-defining marriage b... [Read More]

Tracked on Feb 5, 2004 7:48:18 AM

» How Not To Institute Gay Rights from Jay Reding.com
Captain's Quarters has a brilliant piece on the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruling that the state must accept full marriage rights for homosexuals. This decision only applies to the state of Massachusetts, and the Defense of Marriage act ensures that i... [Read More]

Tracked on Feb 5, 2004 2:07:50 PM

» On Constitutional Law and Gay Marriage from Strange Women Lying in Ponds
Captain Ed and I are discussing gay marriage and other related stuff over on his blog. UPDATE: In response to Captain Ed's latest comment, I respond: ... I really do believe that it's the job of the SCOTUS (and the [Read More]

Tracked on Feb 7, 2004 7:21:31 AM

Comments

"...it could very reasonably support a federal appeal of prostitution or pandering charges. I suspect it will be soon."

- - -Gosh, I hope so. "moral fabric", my ass. There's no such thing...just a few hundred million people with or without individual liberty.

I'm sure Pat Robertson would lay awake nights, worrying about people doing things voluntarily, but I'm just not sure why it's any of his business. Or ours.

Posted by: Jon Henke at Feb 4, 2004 7:15:37 PM

I respect your point of view, Jon, while I don't completely share it. I do believe that there is such a thing as a moral fabric for society; otherwise, there would be no laws against theft or murder, for instance. Whether that fabric covers your ass is a completely separate question. :-)

Like I said, allowing gay couples to marry isn't really an issue with me, as I've argued earlier in the blog. However, if you are interested in personal and individual liberty, then you should fear the legislation of judges. Liberty can only be protected when power flows from the people into legislative processes based on either direct democracy (referendum) or representative democracy (Congress or Parliament). Judges issuing orders, dictating policy, and creating legislation trades the protections of democracy for the autocracy of the feudal system.

If a majority of the people want to legalize gay marriage (and I suspect they probably would), then fine. If a majority of the people want to legalize prostitution or drugs, I'll disagree but I'll live with it. But I don't like lifetime appointees making these decisions without any participation from the electorate. That's my beef with this.

Posted by: Captain Ed at Feb 4, 2004 7:52:46 PM

I understand your concern, but the role of the judiciary is, in part, to protect minorities against the legislation of the majority.

Laws against theft and murder are substantively different than these laws, though, because they involve an infringement of individual liberty...whereas these laws *create* an infringement of liberty.

Posted by: Jon Henke at Feb 5, 2004 5:33:39 AM

Ed:

I'm afraid you're all wet in this paragraph:

... but by declaring that two consenting adults had a constitutional right to do anything they wanted not only opens the door for sodomy, but also adult incest and any number of activities destructive to the social fabric of society. Had the matter been pursued through legislation, the offending laws could have been removed without granting previously unheard-of "rights" for anything else that occurs between consenting adults. Strictly speaking, you can make the same argument for granting constitutional protection for prostitution; it is a business transaction that, when made without the threat of arrest, remains between consenting adults. Previous to that ruling, such an argument could be made only in support of legislative action, but now it could very reasonably support a federal appeal of prostitution or pandering charges. I suspect it will be soon.

First, the SCOTUS didn't find a "constitutional right" to engage in sodomy. The Court instead took a very libertarian approach, one that the Court has not taken since before the New Deal progressive era, which was to simply say that in order for the government to intrude on one's personal liberty, it has to show a good reason for doing so. The Court concluded that the State of Texas had no good reason to criminalize "non-commercial" consensual sex. Thus, the door was most decidedly not left open to finding a "right," constitutional or otherwise, to engage in prostitution.

Regards,

Brant/
SWLiP

Posted by: Brant at Feb 6, 2004 9:00:21 PM

Ed:

I highly recommend "Restoring the Lost Constitution," if you haven't already ordered it.

Posted by: Brant at Feb 6, 2004 9:02:19 PM

Not being a lawyer, I may be in over my head here (which would account for my being all wet, I suppose). However, legal analysts at the time Lawrence was decided agreed that the court had definitely carved out new territory for constitutionally protected privacy:

... while Hassel said "only a handful" of states remain still have such laws, Thursday's Supreme Court ruling establishes a benchmark in privacy that had not existed.

Hassel said the ruling, based on due process arguments rather than equal protection laws, would push out new areas in privacy. "This is going to carve out protection for private sexual behavior," Hassel said. "As long as it's between consenting adults, this ruling would appear to cover it."

And then there's this, from the majority opinion of Lawrence:

The liberty protected by the Constitution allows homosexual persons the right to choose to enter upon relationships in the confines of their homes and their own private lives and still retain their dignity as free persons.

Also, the only use of the term "noncommercial" in the Lawrence decision came from Justice Thomas in his dissent. It appears nowhere in the majority opinion.

Posted by: Captain Ed at Feb 6, 2004 9:27:11 PM

Also, from Kennedy's majority opinion:

This case does not involve minors, persons who might be injured or coerced, those who might not easily refuse consent, or public conduct or prostitution. It does involve two adults who, with full and mutual consent, engaged in sexual practices common to a homosexual lifestyle.

Kennedy splits hairs when he insists that this opinion has no effect on prostitution; he makes no legal argument explaining how it could be excluded, other than to say he doesn't intend to include it. But there is a logical argument to be made that, just like homosexual sex, prostitution involves two adults who by full and mutual consent engage in sexual relations.

Even had he made an argument excluding it, the court showed little compunction in overturning Bowers, a SCOTUS decision less than 20 years old, made by some of the existing judges on the current bench.

Posted by: Captain Ed at Feb 6, 2004 9:36:25 PM

Ed:

In order to understand what made Lawrence different, you have to understand how it basically reversed the usual presumptions in post-New Deal constitutional law.

To be very brief, the Court had previously held that an enactment by the legislature is presumptively constitutional, unless it intrudes on a fundamental constitutional right that is enumerated in the Bill of Rights, or which "emanates" from the various "penumbra" of rights inherent in the Bill of Rights. Under this test, any law was presumptively valid, as long as it bore a rational relationship to a legitimate state interest. This made a finding of unconstitutionality of any exercise of state or federal police power almost impossible.

Controversies arose when, beginning with Griswold, the Court struggled with the notion of a "right to privacy" being a "fundamental right" that was not within a specific prohibition of the Constitution. It was this struggle over whether a "fundamental right" to privacy that led to the controversy of Roe v. Wade.

What Kennedy has done in Lawrence is to reverse the usual presumptions found in post-New Deal constitutional law. Kennedy held that every person is entitled to liberty (this is the notion argued in "Restoring the Lost Constitution", that liberty comes before the Constitution, not vice versa, and that the Constitution only authorizes the government to do what is necessary and proper to carry out its narrowly-defined functions), and that the presumption of liberty prevails over state interference in what goes on in the privacy of one's bedroom.

I was mistaken to put "noncommercial" in quotation marks. You are correct that Kennedy did not use that word. But he did not leave the door open to legalizing prostitution. There are various health and public-nuisance related justifications for states to criminalize prostitution, and I am sure that the SCOTUS wouldn't hesitate to uphold such laws.

I for one do not buy the widely held assumption that Lawrence opens the way for homosexual marriage. Legalizing certain types of marriage requires an affirmative act by the state -- essentially, the state ratifies, or puts its official seal of approval, upon the agreement of two people to bind themselves to each other in the marital relationship. If Lawrence is able to blossom into a new (actually reviving an old) branch of constitutional law, then you will eventually see that the presumption of liberty is prohibitive on the state and federal government in terms of what they cannot do against the individual, but it would have no (or very little) power to affirmatively demand that the state or government do things that they are not legislatively authorized to do.

Posted by: Brant at Feb 6, 2004 10:06:36 PM

Ed:

In order to understand what made Lawrence different, you have to understand how it basically reversed the usual presumptions in post-New Deal constitutional law.

To be very brief, the Court had previously held that an enactment by the legislature is presumptively constitutional, unless it intrudes on a fundamental constitutional right that is enumerated in the Bill of Rights, or which "emanates" from the various "penumbra" of rights inherent in the Bill of Rights. Under this test, any law was presumptively valid, as long as it bore a rational relationship to a legitimate state interest. This made a finding of unconstitutionality of any exercise of state or federal police power almost impossible.

Controversies arose when, beginning with Griswold, the Court struggled with the notion of a "right to privacy" being a "fundamental right" that was not within a specific prohibition of the Constitution. It was this struggle over whether a "fundamental right" to privacy that led to the controversy of Roe v. Wade.

What Kennedy has done in Lawrence is to reverse the usual presumptions found in post-New Deal constitutional law. Kennedy held that every person is entitled to liberty (this is the notion argued in "Restoring the Lost Constitution", that liberty comes before the Constitution, not vice versa, and that the Constitution only authorizes the government to do what is necessary and proper to carry out its narrowly-defined functions), and that the presumption of liberty prevails over state interference in what goes on in the privacy of one's bedroom.

I was mistaken to put "noncommercial" in quotation marks. You are correct that Kennedy did not use that word. But he did not leave the door open to legalizing prostitution. There are various health and public-nuisance related justifications for states to criminalize prostitution, and I am sure that the SCOTUS wouldn't hesitate to uphold such laws.

I for one do not buy the widely held assumption that Lawrence opens the way for homosexual marriage. Legalizing certain types of marriage requires an affirmative act by the state -- essentially, the state ratifies, or puts its official seal of approval, upon the agreement of two people to bind themselves to each other in the marital relationship. If Lawrence is able to blossom into a new (actually reviving an old) branch of constitutional law, then you will eventually see that the presumption of liberty is prohibitive on the state and federal government in terms of what they cannot do against the individual, but it would have no (or very little) power to affirmatively demand that the state or government do things that they are not legislatively authorized to do.

Posted by: Brant at Feb 6, 2004 10:07:57 PM

Sorry about the double post. Feel free to delete one (or both -- what the hey, it's your blog, right?).

Posted by: Brant at Feb 6, 2004 10:10:22 PM

Hey, I'd never delete one of your posts, Brant -- besides, if everyone agreed with me, I'd get bored stiff.

I understand what Kennedy was trying to do, but in my opinion he did more damage than he helped. While I think it is almost excruciatingly obvious that the Texas sodomy laws were terrible legislation, the function of SCOTUS isn't to determine bad policy; their entire function is to apply the Constitution to the cases that appear before them (and to preside over disputes between the states). For Kennedy to use the philosophy that liberty comes before the Constitution and therefore SCOTUS should make decisions based on their idea of liberty is the exact same process that got us to Roe, but with a different rationalization.

Policy has to be the purview of elected representatives, within the bounds of the Constitution. The philosophy you describe from the book makes absolute sense -- but only as it relates to the legislative and executive branches, primarily the former. What SCOTUS did in this instance is to legislate from the bench.

Also, I agree with you that Lawrence has little to do directly with the Massachussets SJC's ruling on gay marriage. However, both courts used similar rationalizations in order to create legislation from the bench, in the SJC case almost literally.

Posted by: Captain Ed at Feb 6, 2004 10:34:06 PM

Ed:

Here we have a fundamental disagreement. I really do believe that it's the job of the SCOTUS (and the other courts) to protect us from a government that oversteps its constitutional bounds. The Founders of this country understood that people had certain natural rights that the government, even where decreed by "majority rule," must not infringe upon. And among these rights are the rights to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," as decreed in the Declaration of Independence.

The Founders saw government as a necessary evil for avoiding anarchy. The problem was how to found a government mandate that would allow the government to do no more than was absolutely "necessary and proper" to carry out its constitutional functions. The Constitution therefore was meant to be a strict definition of the scope of government powers; i.e., the Constitution defines the limits of what powers the government has, not what rights the people have. 20th-century constitutional jurisprudence unfortunately got this completely backwards.

Seen this way, even policy that is determined by "majority rule" is itself invalid if it is not "necessary and proper" to carrying out one of the government's constitutionally defined functions. As a subsidiary entity of the United States Constitution, Texas is bound by the 14th Amendment, which mandates that the states respect fundamental liberties and refrain from discriminating arbitrarily against classes of persons. See Amicus Brief of the CATO Institute.

I do not believe that the same reasoning would necessarily lead to another Roe, a case which was badly decided for a number of reasons, but mostly because of post-New Deal reasoning which had the Court reaching deep into its previously established jurisprudence of a "fundamental right" to privacy in order to determine whether there was a "fundamental constitutional right" to abortion. Thus, Roe illustrated the problem of the courts selecting what is a "fundamental right," as emanating from the Bill of Rights, and what is not.

It is well-known, and hardly disputed, that many of the Founders were anxious about ratifying a Bill of Rights, because they worried that future generations would conclude that those rights were the only ones protected and guaranteed by the Constitution. That is why a compromise was reached in enacting the 9th Amendment:

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

A lot of legal scholars have poo-pooed the meaning of the 9th Amendment (as well as the 10th), but I believe that it really means what it says, and that the standard for determining what it means is to consider the notion of "natural rights" as they have been historically understood in the philosophy of the Enlightenment, the founding documents (including the Declaration of Independence) and the common law.

Under the common law, abortion was legal up until what was termed "quickening." So it was neither a fundamental right, but neither was it absolutely proscribed. I think that a Lawrence Court looking at Roe today would probably reach a much narrower holding; something along the lines of, "While we do not believe that the state is without any power to regulate and limit the practice of abortion, a wholesale prohibition is overbroad."

All libertarians should rejoice at the Lawrence decision, because it is the first indication in generations that the Court might once again begin to take the words of the Constitution seriously. Hope springs eternal.

Posted by: Brant at Feb 7, 2004 7:01:38 AM